The Proprietors of the Northern Neck
Chapter 5b - Leeds Castle
XVI. Thomas Fairfax (Catherine Culpeper15,
wife of Thomas, fifth Lord Fairfax), 1693-1781, sixth Lord Fairfax was born at
Leeds Castle, as appears from the following entry of his baptism in the Bromfield
register:
Thomas son of Thomas Lord Fairfax and the Lady Catherine his wife was born 22
October and bapt. 31 October 1693.
The only surviving references to him in his childhood are in two letters addressed to
his father by Brian Fairfax, the elder, in October and November, 1700 (The Fairfax Correspondence,
iv, 258, 262): 'I hope my pretty nephew is well' and 'My service to my little nephew.'
On January 21, 1709/10; a few days after his father's death, and when he was just past
his sixteenth birthday, he matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford (Registrum Orielense,
ed. Shadwell, ii, 25). That he remained in residence at least three years appears from a
childish letter addressed to him at Oxford in January, 1712/13, by his sister Catherine
(Fairfax MSS. Bodleian Library). If he was, as Burnaby records, the contributor of one of
the still anonymous numbers of The Spectator, it must thus have been while he was
in college, for the last number of that periodical is dated December 6, 1712; but,
considering his age and the fact that his name has not come to light in all the profuse
literature of memoirs and published letters of the reign of Queen Anne, it seems necessary
to abandon this picturesque tradition.
The record of him at his coming of age is all of sordid and distressing business,
leading up to the final alienation in 1716 of Denton and Bilborough, the estates in
Yorkshire, which the first Lord Fairfax had entailed for the support of his peerage; a
transaction which has been distorted by uncritical family tradition (See Appendix).
When his mother died in 1719, and he became the actual head of the family, he was in
his twenty-sixth year. A Whig by inheritance, he then seemed to have every political
opportunity to retrieve his shattered fortune in a career at the court of George I; and he
duly made a beginning in that direction. In August, 1721, we find him enrolled, in the
tradition of his father's military service, as a 'coronet' in the Horse Guards, Blue
(Dalton, George I's Army, 1912, ii, 196) and holding a post at Court as Treasurer
of the Household under the Lord Chamberlain (Cal. Treasury Papers, 1720-28, p. 78).
To this period belongs also his negotiation for an ambitious marriage. Burnaby records
that he was jilted, that the lady who had contracted herself to him 'preferred the higher
honour of being a duchess.' In this mortification Fairfax saw to it that the lady's name
should be forgotten so far as concerned him: although he preserved a counterpart of the
intended marriage settlement and took it to America with him, when at last it came to
light in the garret at Greenway Court nearly a century after his death, it was found that
he had carefully cut out of the parchment all that identified the lady to whom it
referred.54
Whether it was the failure of this marriage, or the fact that he lost his post at court
on the accession of Sir Robert Walpole to power, Fairfax now abandoned his plan to make a
public career, and retired to Leeds Castle; where, until 1733, he led the life of a
private country gentleman.
In 1730 Virginia launched her final attack upon the Northern Neck proprietary by
demanding of the Crown a limitation of the bounds which had been claimed by the resident
agent and lessee, Robert Carter (Journals H. B., 1727-40, p. 92). When this demand
reached England there came with it also the news of Col. Carter's death. Until then
Fairfax had taken little interest in the proprietary. Although he had been since 1710 the
owner of Alexander Culpeper's undivided sixth under his grandmother's will and, since
1719, the life tenant of the remaining five-sixths under his mother's will, he had left
the management of the entire business to Col. Cage, his mother's trustee; but the double
necessity of protecting his inheritance and of establishing a new resident agent now
roused him to individual action. Following his father's example in a similar situation
forty years before, he countered on Virginia by filing with the Crown a memorial of his
own, praying that the bounds of the proprietary be established; and so precipitated the
notable cause of Fairfax v. Virginia, which was to depend before the Privy Council
for fifteen years and result in a brilliant victory for the proprietor (Acts P. C.,
Colonial, iii, 385 ff.; Hening, vi, 198)
Having first dispatched his kinsman, William Fairfax, then royal Collector of Customs
at Salem in Massachusetts, to succeed Robert Carter as the resident agent for the Northern
Neck, Fairfax himself went out to Virginia in May, 1735, and there remained - until
September, 1737, while the surveys ordered by the Privy CoutIcil were in progress (the
dates appear in Gooch's dispatches of January 8, 1735/6, and November 6, 1737). During
this visit he resided with William Fairfax, at first in Westmoreland and later at Falmouth
on the Rappahannock; and, having procured the Virginia Assembly to pass the act of 1736
(Hening, iv, 514) which recognised him as the inheritor of Lord Culpeper's charter of
1688, himself executed a number of land grants, including the reservation of his own Leeds
Manor in what have since become Fauquier, Warren and Clarke counties (N.N., E: 1-45).
The excursions he then made beyond the Blue Ridge determined him to establish his
residence in the colony (See William Beverley's letter, W. & M. Quar., iii,
227). The final decree determining, in his favor, the litigation with the Virginia
government, was entered April II, 1745, and in the summer of 1747 (Cf. Maryland
Gazette, November 17, 1747), being then fifty-four years of age, he duly returned to
Virginia, where henceforth for 44 years he lived out his long life.
For several years he resided at Belvoir on the Potomac, the residence William Fairfax
had built in 1741 on the neck below Mount Vernon, and it was there that he met George
Washington; but in the summer of 1751 he sent to England for another young man in whom
also he was interested, his nephew Thomas Bryan Martin; and in the autumn of that year
went to live with him at the 'quarter' he had laid out in 1747 (it is mentioned in
Washington's diary of 1748) in the new county of Frederick (now Clarke), beyond the
Shenandoah, adjoining the western boundary of Leeds Manor. That this was, however,
intended to be only a temporary arrangement appears from his grant of the Frederick
'quarter' to Martin on May 21, 1752, as he came of age, with 8,840 acres of surrounding
land; stipulating (N.N., H: 179) that this tract was 'to be known and called by the
name of the Manor of Greenway Court,' after the Culpeper manor in Kent.
The popular accounts of Fairfax for the remaining thirty years of his life usually put
the emphasis on his solitude. Despite a characteristic reserve of manner, he seems,
however, to have been no anchorite but to have enjoyed such few associates of the breeding
to which he was accustomed as were available to him on the frontier; and somewhat shyly,
to have sought them out. He had duly taken up the traditional English duty of local
magistracy. On October 30, 1749, during the presidency of Lewis Burwell, the Virginia
Council
Ordered that a special Commission issue to empower the Right Honourable the Lord
Fairfax to act as a justice of the Peace in all the Counties of the Northern Neck,
and, at Dinwiddie's request (Dinwiddie Papers, i, 48, 82, 312), he assumed, in
1754, the active duty of County Lieutenant of Frederick: but as the membership of the
Frederick bench over which he presided was then hardly that of a select club, it may be
assumed that his diligent attendance also at the courts of the tidewater counties (as
shown by the records of those counties), in the commissions of which he was also included,
was a search for congenial society. There are records, too, of periodical visits to
Belvoir and, less frequently, to Williamsburg, as on the occasion in 1759 when Burnaby met
him at a reception by Governor Fauquier at the Palace.
Looking back at him across the gulf of the American Revolution, there has been also an
effort to see in Fairfax the arch tory, the personification of the hated government. There
is no justification for this in, anything he himself did or said, and it is significant
that when confiscations were the order of the day the Assembly treated him with marked
consideration. The only resident peer in America, he was accorded all the privileges of a
Virginia citizen and was never molested even by the mob. This could only be because it was
recognised that his political sentiments were essentially liberal and practically
inoffensive to the revolution. Indeed, Fairfax had never been a tory. On the contrary, he
was brought up in the principles of the 'glorious' revolution of 1688, in which his father
actively participated; and had, himself, lost his post at George I's Court by expressing
such sentiments too logically. If, then, he was distressed by the march of events in the
colonies, it was not because he agreed with George III and Lord North. There were other
gentlemen in Virginia who shared his views in that respect and did not consider themselves
the less good Virginians because they did so.
In this situation it remained for the fertile imagination of Parson Weems to paint in
doggerel (in his immortal History of the Life and Death, Virtues and Exploits of
General George Washington, first published in 1800) what has come to be the accepted
portrait of Fairfax in the character of one whose heart was broken by a disaster to that
heavy material society which, as it happened, was precisely what he had come to Virginia
to escape.
Little did the old gentleman expect that be was educating a youth who should one day
dismember the British Empire and break his own heart, which truly came to pass. For on
hearing that Washington had captured Cornwallis and all his army, he called out to his
black waiter, 'Come Joe! carry me to my bed! for I'm sure 'tis high time for me to die!
Then up rose Joe, all at the word
And took his master's arm
And to his bed he softly led
The lord of Greenway farm.
There he call'd on Britain's name
And oft he wept full sore
And sigh'd-thy will, O Lord, be done
And word spake never more.
This is an excellent example of an argument from the principle post hoc propter hoc,
but as it happens, it was not Washington's own appreciation of the end of his early
patron. In the midst of the distresses of the winter camp at Valley Forge, Washington
wrote a cheerful gossiping letter to his friend of more than thirty years, George William
Fairfax, then in England. The date was 'Head-Quarters, Pennsylvania, 11 March, 1778' (Writings
of Washington, ed. Ford, vi, 413) and among other things he said, 'Lord Fairfax, as I
have been told, after having bowed down to the grave, is perfectly restored and enjoys his
usual good health and as much vigor as fall to the lot of ninety.' That is hardly the
picture of a desponding loyalist, but of an old man who has lived sanely and at the end
was enjoying the reward of peace of mind and a modicum of physical comfort.
Washington was, however, mistaken in one detail. Fairfax was not ninety in 1778, nor
did he ever attain that age, though he lived on for more than three years. It is truly
recorded in the same Bromfield register in which his baptism had been entered, that
Thomas, Lord Fairfax, died at his Proprietary in Virginia, 9 December, 1781, in the
eighty-ninth year of his age.
Fairfax had always lived in Virginia with the utmost simplicity. His personal bearing
was what would now be called democratic, though he never had the remotest appreciation of
what that term has come to mean. His residence remained to the end a mere wilderness lodge
which was not even his own property; for he never acted upon his original intention to
build a house, although he had selected for that purpose a noble site upon a summit of a
western spur on the Blue Ridge overlooking the lower valley of the Shenandoah, within the
limits of Leeds Manor. The colour of the picture painted in Burke's Peerage, of his
'baronial hospitality' is mere mythology. There was many a contemporary tidewater planter
who would have been ashamed of the rude plenty of his table, bereft of luxuries: at which,
indeed, his younger brother sneered in 1768 (MS. letter penes me). He had no such
cellar of Madeira wine as was in his time to be f ound in most, even moderately well to
do, Virginia plantation houses. His London agent and devoted friend, Samuel Athawes, sent
him out every year new clothes of the latest fashion, but, unlike George Washington, he
did not wear them. His plate was like his library, sufficient for decent comfort but
inadequate for show; such as one could find today in east Africa in the hunting lodges of
Englishmen, who, like Fairfax, have sought in vast open spaces a surcease of the pains
engendered by civilization.
In these habits Fairfax escaped his family failing of extravagance. Although never an
exacting landlord, and grossly imposed upon after William Fairfax's death, he lived to see
the whole five million acres of his principality covered by a population, most of whom
yielded him a nominal, but in the aggregate necessarily important, annual quit rent. There
was found in his house when he died, cash amounting to more than £47,000 in Virginia
currency (See his inventory in Va. Mag., viii, 1), despite the fact that he had
steadily given of his substance to all his kin, particularly to his spendthrift brother,
Robert, who had married two fortunes and run through them both.
Bryan Martin wrote to Bryan Fairfax from Greenway Court, February 3, 1782, 'His
Lordship died December the 9th and is interred in the church in Winchester' (MS. penes
me). Following Parson Weems and Kercheval, it is usual to record that the Proprietor
died at Greenway Court. The persistent local tradition is, however, that the demise
occurred in Winchester; that the old man, feeling ill, had ridden over to that town to
consult his physician, Dr. Cornelius Baldwin, and died in his house. In support of this
tradition is the fact that Lord Fairfax's great jack boots (the same which were presented
by the late Governor F. W. M. Holliday to the Virginia Historical Society and are now
included in its collection at Richmond) stood for many years in the hall of Dr. Baldwin's
residence at Winchester. There is no doubt, however, of the place of burial. Supplementing
the statement of Bryan Martin already quoted, another nearly contemporary letter (MS. penes
me) to Bryan Fairfax (from his brother George William, then in England, and dated
April 15, 1782) gives further detail:
Upon receiving several very pressing letters from Mr, now Lord, Fairfax urging much
to see me at Leeds Castle in Kent, as he had received Letters from Officers particular
Friends of his at New York, informing him that his Brother, the good old Lord, was no
more; as soon as I was really able I set off, was at the Castle eight or ten days,
satisfied his Lordship how I had disposed of his Power of Attorney and yesterday I
returned from thence. I must own at first I had my doubts, as neither He nor myself had
received even a Scrip of such information from Mr Martin or any other Friend,
untill the Letters above mentioned were put into my hands, one of which says -- Lord
Fairfax is dead and was interred the 27th of December last at Winchester -- the
other confirms it by saying that he actually saw him interred on the same day and place.
The first resting place was the original parish church of Frederick, a large stone
building erected at Fairfax's own cost in 1762. This building stood on the corner of
Loudoun (Main) and Boscawen (Water) streets in the town of Winchester (Cartmel, Shenandoah
Valley Pioneers, 1909, pp. 183, 138), where a stone today displays an inscription
recording that 'Lord Fairfax was first buried on this spot, and afterwards removed and
buried under Christ Church in this town.'55
The Christ Church so referred to was built on the corner of Washington and Water Streets
in 1829 (Bishop Meade, ii, 287, says 1827) and thereafter the vestry erected therein a
marble tablet, which, the tradition is, was removed from the original church. On this was
an MI., as follows:
[Arms, apparently those of the Viscounts Fairfax of Embly, with a motto, 'Je le
feray durant ma vie.']
In Memory of Thomas, Lord Fairfax, who died 1782, and whose ashes repose underneath
this church, which he endowed.
It will be noted that the date here cited, apparently following Burnaby, is erroneous.
For this consideration, as well as others, a new bronze tablet was, in the autumn of 1925,
set up in Christ Church on the occasion of the re-interment there of Lord Fairfax's dust;
on which is an MI. as follows:
[Arms, Fairfax of Cameron quartering Culpeper, with the motto, 'Fare Fac' being
the achievement which Lord Fairfax himself preferred to use in relation to Virginia, as
identifying the origin of his proprietary title; and which he had displayed, e.g., on the
third (1745) state of John Warner's map of the Northern Neck.]
Under this Spot repose the Remains of Thomas, sixth Lord Fairfax of Cameron, Son of
Thomas, fifth Lord Fairfax, and Catherine Culpeper, his wife. Born at Leeds Castle, County
Kent, England, October 22, 1693. Died at his proprietary of the Northern Neck in Virginia,
December 9, 1781, in the eighty-ninth year of his age. He was buried in the original
Frederick Parish Church at the comer of Loudoun (Main) and Boscawen (Water) Streets,
whence his remains were removed to this church in 1828; where they were reinterred in
1925, when this tablet was erected by the Vestry of Christ Church.
His will (first printed by Cartmel, p. 134, but noted in Va. Mag., xviii, 206),
which gave occupation to the Virginia courts for many years to come,56 was as follows:
Frederick W. B. 4: 583
Will dated November 8, 1777
Codicil dated November 27, 1779
Proved May 5, 1782.
I, the Right Honourable Thomas Lord Fairfax, Baron of Cameron
in that part of Great Britain called Scotland and Proprietor of the Northern
Neck of Virginia.
I give and devise all that my undivided sixth part or share of
my lands and Plantations in the colony of Virginia, commonly called or known by
the name of the Northern Neck of Virginia, with the several advowsons, and the
right of presentations thereto belonging or appertaining, I have therein, with
the messuages and tenements, buildings, hereditaments. and all other
appurtenances thereto belonging; all or any part whereof being formerly the
estate of the Honourable Alexander Culpeper, Esquire, deceased; Together with
all other lands and tenements I have, am possessed of, or have a right to in the
said colony of Virginia, to the Reverend Mr. Denny Martin, my nephew, now of the
County of Kent in Great Britain, to him, his heirs and assigns forever, if he
the said Denny Martin should be alive at the time of my death:
But in case he should not, then I give and devise the same and
every part and parcel thereof to Thomas Bryan Martin, Esquire, his next brother
now living with me, to him, his heirs and assigns forever; and in case of his
death before me,
Then I give and devise the same and
every part and parcel thereof to my other nephew, Philip Martin, Esquire,
brother to the aforementioned Denny and Thomas, and to his heirs and assigns
forever,
Provided Always that the said Denny
Martin if alive at the time of my decease, or in case of his death, the said
Thomas Bryan Martin, if he should be alive at the time of my decease; or in case
of both their deaths the said Philip Martin, if he should be alive at the time
of my decease, shall pay or cause to be paid to my nieces, Frances Martin,
Sybilla Martin and Anna Susanna Martin, and to each and every of them that shall
be living at the time of my decease, an Annuity of one hundred pounds sterling
during their and each of their natural lives and
[Provided] further that the said
Denny or he to whom the said sixth part of the said Northern Neck shall pass by
this my will shall procure an Act of Parliament to pass to take upon him the
name of Fairfax and coat of arms.
To Thomas Bryan Martin 600 acres purchased of John Borden, and
all stock of cattle, sheep, horses, implements of husbandry, household goods and
furniture on 'the Farm or plantation whereon I now live called Greenway Court.'
To nephews Denny, Thomas Bryan and Philip, all negro slaves. To brother 'the
honourable Robert Fairfax, Esq.' £500; reciting previous advance of 'a
considerable pecuniary legacy' bequeathed to him by will now cancelled. To
sister Frances Martin £500. Remainder to 'my elder nephew the aforesaid Rev'd
Denny Martin.'
Executors: Thomas, Bryan Martin, Peter Hog, Gabriel Jones. To
last two 500 pounds 'current money of Virginia, apiece.' Estate to be
inventoried but not appraised.
Witnesses: John Hite, Angus McDonald, Richard Rigg, John
Legarde, Thomas Smythers.
Republished October 5, 1778, in presence of Isaac Zane, Daniel
Field.
Codicil: To Bryan Fairfax [later eighth Lord Fairfax] one
fourth of negro slaves. To 'the second child of the aforesaid Bryan Fairfax
during his or her natural life' annuity of £100 effective after death of Frances
Martin. To the 'third' and 'fourth' children of Bryan Fairfax like annuities
after the deaths of Sibylla and Anna Susanna Martin respectively. To Peter Hog
and Gabriel Jones £500 sterling in lieu of previous legacy of 'current money'
Witnesses: Robert Mackey, Peter Catlett, John Sherman
Woodcock, John Hite.
Proved by Thomas Bryan Martin and Gabriel Jones, surviving
executors.
(Continued in Chapter 5c)
54 This marriage settlement was one of the Fairfax
papers which came into the hands of Thomas Bryan Martin when Lord Fairfax died in 1781;
were stored in the garret at Greenway Court at the time of his death in 1798; and
subsequently were casually examined by the Kennerleys before they were burned in 1875. See
Scribner's Monthly 0879), xviii, 715; note 49 ante. (Return)
55 Major Robert T. Barton of Winchester has
graciously permitted the editor of these notes to include here the following interesting
quotation from a personal letter dated June 12, 1925, viz:
The present Christ Church was designed by John Bruce, whose surviving account book
contains the following entry:
1829, May first, Digging the foundation of church and re-intering the body of Lord
Fairfax, $36.
Subsequently the church was enlarged and the chancel removed about fifty feet to
the rear or north. Recently when other improvements were being discussed, I secured the
permission of the vestry to attempt to locate Lord Fairfax's remains that they might be
made secure from future disturbance and uncertainty. This permission granted, excavations
were begun south of the original church rear wall where the chancel must have been
located. We had about given up the search, having concluded that bones and coffin had
disappeared with time, when one of the negroes who was doing the excavations (this sounds
like a fairy story) and who ministers to his people for a Sunday occupation, said he had
dreamed that he would find Lord Fairfax's remains at a certain spot close to a large
center wall which split the basement of the church. This spot was some distance beyond
where we thought the original chancel had been located, though only about ten feet from
the rear wall. The negro dug there and about eighteen inches under the dirt cellar floor
found the remains of a skeleton and coffin. We carefully exhumed the remains which were
buried directly under the center wall, the skull on one side and the lower bones on the
other, having evidently been placed there before the wall was erected. Only a line in the
earth showed the location of the top and sides of the coffin, but the bottom was partly
preserved. The top of the skull was well preserved as were some of the larger bones, but
as the jaw bone was found near the middle of the coffin, it would appear that the skeleton
was broken when originally exhumed. We found three rusty wrought iron handles and several
wrought iron nails but no coffin plate, although a careful search was made.
I recall that either Kerchival or Norris states that many silver ornaments were found
in the original grave. The Pennsylvania Historical Society has in its possession a silver
coffin plate reputed to be that of Thomas Lord Fairfax. This may explain the absence of
any plate with the remains recently exhumed.
Only two other persons are known to have been buried under the church, a former rector
and his wife, but their remains were placed in a different part of the church according to
the memory of persons now living, so I think there is no question that the remains
discovered were those of the Proprietor of the Northern Neck. Their location beneath the
original center wall renders their identification certain.
It is proposed to re-inter the remains in the spot at which they were found, in a
casket sheathed in lead, and to mark this spot for all time with a tablet showing the name
and title of Lord Fairfax, and the dates and places of his birth, death, burial and
several interments.
Regarding the coffin plate, Mr. Ernest Spofford, Assistant Librarian of the Historical
Society of Pennsylvania, advises:
The Society has in one of its show cases an oval plate (4 3/8 x 3 5/8 inches), which
has been labeled as the 'Plate from the Coffin of Lord Thomas Fairfax who died in
Frederick County, Va., December 12, 1781.' The plate itself bears no inscription but
simply contains a coat of arms. If it were not for the supporters (two lions), the
motto (Je le feray durant ma vie), and the jewels on the coronet (seven, and
not four), I would assume that the armorial bearings were those of the Lord Fairfax
who was buried in Virginia in 1781.
Unfortunately, I never have succeeded in finding any record to indicate the history of
the plate, but one of the Society's older members, Dr. Charles Harrod Vinton, recalls that
he was told many years ago that it was acquired by purchase for the Society by the late
Charles R. HiIdeburn. (Return)
56 The relation of this will to the devolution of
title to the Northern Neck proprietary is discussed in the following cases, viz:
1786, Hite v. Fairfax, 4 Call, 42; 1805, Marshall v. Conrad, 5 Call, 364;
1810 -1816, Hunter v. Fairfax's devisees, 1 Munford, 218; 7 Cranch, 603; 4 Munford,
3; 1 Wheaton, 304. The vicissitudes of this litigation have been graphically elaborated,
with local colour, by Beveridge, Life of John Marshall, and H. C. Groome, Northern
Neck Lands (F. H. S. Bulletin).
There is also an interpretation of the codicil in Catlett v. Marshall (1839), 10
Leigh, 79. (Return)
Last Revised:
02 Jan 2015