Culpeper's Rebellion
IV. A New Government,
A New Disorder (Part 2)
About the sixth of December Culpeper went to Chowan precinct and there seized the
marshal of the county, Edward Wade, along with his papers. On Culpeper's return Miller's
clerk was seized.162 Shortly afterward an armed party from Chowan arrived at
Crawford's house with the marshal their prisoner.163
After Miller and other deputies had been held close prisoner for fourteen or fifteen
days, they were escorted to Durant's house in several guard boats filled with armed men.
There the prisoners were again held close and not permitted to talk to one another. As the
prisoners and their escorting guards passed Gillam's ship, three guns were fired as a
salute and another three were fired when they arrived at Durant's house.164
The following day a group of armed men headed by Bird found Miller's commissions and
other papers as well as the great seal of the county in a box that had been hidden in a
tobacco hogshead. The box was returned to Durant's house where it was broken open in the
presence of Culpeper, Crawford, and Durant. At the beat of a drum Miller was accused of
blasphemy, treason, and other crimes and, at the urging of the crowd, was placed in irons.
At this point the stocks and pillory were overturned and thrown into the river.165
The mob then made merry with money belonging to Miller, their merriment made more
exuberant with drink provided by Gillam. Gillam later testified that he always tried to
attend court days, since so large a gathering of people made sales easier. Gillam also
confessed that he did serve drink to his customers at that December 1677 court, and he saw
to it that Miller got his share.166 The mob expressed its dislike of the king's
proclamations and of the Lords Proprietors' authority. Meanwhile, scouts and parties were
being sent throughout the countryside to "Threaten, seize, disarm, imprison, or chase
out of ye Country all in authority or office or any else that would not Joyn
with ym"167 No specific mention is made of the "pipeing
guard" after the arrival of Gillam's ship although it was not effective in protecting
Miller against seizure. They were also most likely those members who were being chased out
of the country back to Virginia.
Miller and the other prisoners were held at Durant's house for four or five days until
Foster arrived with Hudson as his prisoner. On Foster's arrival the sixty to seventy men
already gathered there held an election for their assembly of eighteen members. Jenkins,
Bird, Crawford, White, and James Blount from the new assembly were then chosen to sit with
Richard Foster as a court in the cases of Biggs, who was accused of murder, and John
Nixon, another Council member who was accused of treason. Miller, still in irons, was then
brought before the court and a jury impaneled from the crowd with Mordslay
Bouden, a New
England trader, as foreman.168 Miller believed that only four of the jury could
read or write.169
Two stories of the actions of this jury emerged from the testimony. Miller, who was
most directly concerned, treated the matter somewhat casually. Hudson, on the other hand,
delivered a highly colored description of the events. Miller testified that the jury went
out with such articles as Culpeper, their chief councillor and scribe, and George Durant,
their attorney general, had contrived against Miller. The jury quickly returned, and, as
the foreman blurted out in open court, "did what ye sd Culpeper
had ordered him to do."170 Grand juries were expected to return either Billa
vera (true bill) or Ignoramus (we ignore the bill).171 Hudson's
story of these events is that the foreman consulted with Culpeper, their collector, chief
scribe and counsellor, about what verdict he should bring in. Culpeper told him that he
must "Indoss Billa vera." The jury went out and quickly returned, but the
foreman had put down "Bill of Error."' While the court looked on with amazement,
Culpeper snatched the paper from the foreman and told the court that it was only a mistake
of the foreman, but the foreman said he had done as Culpeper had told him. The bill was
then mended and without the jury retiring for a second time, and a true bill rendered.
Hudson further testified that this series of events was confirmed to him by Foster and
others of the court.172 The representation to the Lords Proprietors made by an
unknown person at an unknown time, but which sounds much like the words of Biggs, confirms
that Durant altered the verdict of a jury in the case of Thomas Miller.173
Miller later accused the sheriff of being drunk when he gathered a petit jury from the
crowd. Another New England trader, Joseph Winslow, was selected as jury foreman, but the
proceedings were stopped at that point by the receipt of a proclamation from Governor
Eastchurch, who had landed in Virginia eight or nine days earlier. Culpeper, as Miller
claimed, "corruptly abbreviated and transcribed [the proclamation] and so by him
published to the rabble the originall ... not suffered to bee seen or published to the
Inhabitants ... "174
Armed men were sent north to oppose Eastchurch and to prevent him from entering the
county. Miller and the other prisoners were sent to separate places of confinement where
they were allowed no writing materials. Culpeper was appointed collector. The assembly and
court were broken up and went to their homes. Some, however, stopped aboard Gillam's ship
where they were entertained to the firing of several of the ship's guns. Foster, Crawford
and Culpeper were seen to go aboard in a boat with Gillam, who shortly thereafter
"opened store and traded with ye Insurrectors chiefly."175
It was this armed opposition to Eastchurch, the governor appointed by the Lords
Proprietors, that should have been punished, but the point was never stressed in the
subsequent court proceedings.
In the newly found deposition by Gillam we find the remarkable statement that at
Miller's trial Durant approached Gillam with the request that he do what he could to try
to prevent some members of the court from demanding Miller's death. Durant reported that
he had already spent some time on his own trying to prevent such action until after they
had heard from the Lords Proprietors.176 This statement, if true, would do much
to reduce the impression previously held of the strong political power of George Durant in
Albemarle County.
Four or five weeks later Eastchurch died in Virginia. This event may be considered the
thermidor of the Rebellion since from that time the government settled down and armed
action, other than guarding the prisoners, was not required. On receipt of notice of
Eastchurch's death the Albemarle County Assembly was called into session to meet at
Jenkins' house. Gillam, Culpeper, Durant, John Willoughby, Foster, James Blount, and
Crawford were present. This assembly decreed that a loghouse ten or eleven feet square be
built to imprison Miller and that he should have no writing materials nor should any
friends be allowed to visit him.177
Biggs was also placed in custody but escaped a short time later. Miller said in his
affidavit that when the rebels found that Biggs had escaped from prison, they sent two
agents, John Willoughby and George Durant, to England to present their side of the story
to the Lords Proprietors.178 The evidence for this is missing and it probably
did not happen since Durant did not leave for England until May 1678. The newly found
deposition of a crew member on that voyage makes no mention of Willoughby.179
John Culpeper was not a key figure in the new government, since his only documented
position was that of collector. Not even Miller in his later testimony in England spoke of
Culpeper holding any other position except those associated with the events surrounding
the first few days after his overthrow. Biggs did not mention Culpeper in his January
1677/78 narrative.180 Culpeper seems to have been a man capable of using his
pen to good effect, but even his fellow conspirators were unwilling to give him a senior
position in the new government.
The assignment of the name "Culpeper's Rebellion" appears first in George
Chalmers' 1780 work Political Annals where he writes of "Culpepper's
rebellion" despite the position of the Lords Proprietors that no rebellion had
occurred since Miller was not legally the governor.181 Chalmers may have used
this name since only Culpeper was ever tried in connection with this disturbance. He may
not have been aware of the 1681 suit brought in Chancery Court by Durant against Miller,
Summers, and Leech. Later authors added the capital letter to 'rebellion.' John Hill
Wheeler in his 1851 Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 1584 to 1851 is the
first writer found to have capitalized 'Rebellion,' but then only in the index.182
Francis L. Hawks in his History of North Carolina mentions "George Durant, who
countenanced Culpepper's rebellion".183 William L. Saunders in his preface
to the first volume of The Colonial Records of North Carolina, published in 1886,
is the first writer found to use the full term 'Culpeper Rebellion' in his text as he says
"In 1677 began the Culpeper Rebellion, so-called."184 Thereafter, the
term "Culpeper's Rebellion" is used in most histories which discuss the event.
The authenticity of the printed records, and Saunders' clear dislike of the English and
all connected with them may have given undue authority to Saunders' acceptance of this
mistaken name for the event.
After escaping from confinement in Albemarle County Biggs, appeared before the Lords
Proprietors in April 1678 and proposed that they send a vessel with eight or ten guns to
put down the rebellion. This proposal was put on the calendar of the king and Privy
Council but was subsequently withdrawn at the request of the Lords Proprietors.185
At this time the English government was trying to decide if it should go to war with
France in support of the Dutch. During the spring peace negotiations resolved that issue,
but the government was quickly embroiled in consideration of paying off the army. Lord
Shaftesbury, the senior proprietor at the time, was leading the opposition party and
probably had little time for concerns in Albemarle County.186
In September 1678 Biggs received from customs officials a commission as comptroller and
surveyor general of customs in Albemarle County, and by February 1678/79 he was back in
Albemarle County attempting to exercise that commission.187 Culpeper took
exception to Biggs trying to take upon himself all functions of the king's affairs
including entering and clearing vessels since the latter task was that of the collector.
Culpeper tore down the notice to this effect which Biggs had posted and put up a notice of
his own addressed to all inhabitants of Albemarle County and stating that he would seize
and bring to trial anyone who attempted to clear their vessels through Biggs.188
In addition to Biggs attempting to assume all the king's affairs in the colony, he was
accused by Attorney-General George Durant of helping Miller to escape. Threats against
Biggs continued, and he again fled through Virginia to England.189
On 5 February 1678/9 the Lords Proprietors appointed John Harvey president of the Grand
Council to act as governor of Albemaarle County until the arrival of Seth
Sothell, a
proprietor who had been sent to be governor but was captured en route by Algerian pirates
and was still their prisoner. The instructions given Harvey were much the same as those
sent to previous governors.190 From the spring 1672 departure of Governor
Carteret until the arrival of the commission of president of the Grand Council for John
Harvey in 1679, the Lords Proprietors were not in control of Albemarle County either in
theory or in practice. Even after 1679 they had but little control since those who had
been in power following the overthrow of Miller managed to acquire many of the positions
in the new government.
Robert Holden, recently appointed collector of customs, arrived in Albemarle County in
the summer of 1679 after a stop in Boston. During his Boston visit Holden determined that
collection of customs in Albemarle County were being handled by "one Mr.
Culpeper" and that they "were never more infatuated, cheated and
exhausted."191
Between August and November, 1679, Miller escaped from custody with the assistance of
several of his friends, including Biggs and Henry Hudson. Miller and Hudson went to
England to inform the Lords Proprietors of the events taking place in Albemarle County.192
Shaftesbury had just lost a fight on the Exclusion Act in the House of Lords and was
probably not interested in further offending the king.193 Initially the Lords
Proprietors supported the testimony of Miller and Hudson, but as additional information
became available, King Charles II ordered the Lords Proprietors to appear before the Lords
of the Committee of Trade and Foreign Plantations and to bring with them a copy of their
charter. Since the Virginia charter had been revoked following a similar procedure, the
Lords Proprietors looked very carefully at all of the information available to them before
responding.
Miller's complaints, however, were sufficient to cause the Privy Council to issue on 19
December 1679 an arrest order for John Culpeper, who was then aboard a ship at
Downes, a
protected rendezvous for ships off the English east coast of Kent near Deal. He was
arrested at Downes before the ship could depart for Albemarle County and imprisoned in
Newgate. By an 11 February 1679/80 order of the Privy Council, Culpeper was charged with
treason after he had acknowledged the facts before the Committee of Trade and Plantations.194
Despite a Habeas Corpus bill passed by the Parliament in April 1679 which required that
prisoners be given a speedy trial,195 Culpeper was held in prison until his 20
November 1680 treason trial. The response of the Lords Proprietors to the king's order for
more information was delivered in an address by Lord Shaftesbury who stated that Miller
"without any legall authority gott possession of the government."196
This statement and the rest of Shaftesbury's testimony resulted in the acquittal of
Culpeper on charges of rebellion, despite Culpeper's previous acknowledgment of the facts
and the testimony against him by Miller, Hudson, Brockwell, Summers, and John Taylor.197
Later documentation on John Culpeper appears only in brief court records for minor
legal actions between 1683 and 1691. He died in Albemarle County sometime between 11 June
1691 and February 1693/94.198
(To Next Chapter)
162Rankin, 38; Deposition of Edward Wade, 22 August 1679
in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:249. (Return)
163Affidavit of Thomas Miller, 31 January 1679/80 in
Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:280. (Return)
164Ibid.; Affidavit of Peter Brockwell, 16 February
1679/80 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:299. (Return)
165Affidavit of Thomas Miller, 31 January 1679/80 in
Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:281; Affidavit of Peter Brockwell, 16 February
1679/80 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:299. (Return)
166"At the Committee of Trade & Plantations in
the Council Chamber at Whitehall Thursday ye 19th of Febry
1679/80" in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:300; "Answer of Capt. Gillam
Read the 19th of Febry 1679-80" in Saunders, Colonial
Records, 1:295. (Return)
167Affidavit of Thomas Miller, 31 January 1679/80 in
Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:281; Affidavit of Peter Brockwell, 16 February
1679/80 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:299. (Return)
168Mordecay Bowden was the name cited by Henry Hudson. See
affidavit of Henry Hudson, 31 January 1679/80 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:273.
(Return)
169Affidavit of Thomas Miller, 31 January 1679/80 in
Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:281; Instructions for our Governor of the County of
Albemarle in the Province of Carolina [1667] in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:173.
(Return)
170Affidavit of Thomas Miller January 31, 1679/80 in
Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:282. (Return)
171Spindel, 37. (Return)
172Affidavit of Henry Hudson January 31, 1679/80 in
Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:274. (Return)
173"Representation to the Lords Proprietors of
Carolina Concerning the Rebellion in that Country, to be made use of in Further
Examinations," in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:258. (Return)
174Ibid.; Affidavit of Thomas Miller, 31 January
1679/80 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:282. (Return)
175Ibid.; Affidavit of Henry Hudson, 31 January
1679/80 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:274. (Return)
176Gillam, Deposition. (Return)
177Brockwell, Deposition. In his comprehensive study of
the use of log houses in early America, Harold Shurtleff called this one of the first
known log houses. He also surmised that this type construction was used as a prison since
it would only be a very enterprising prisoner who could escape through those solid walls.
Harold R. Shurtleff, ed. The Log Cabin Myth: A Study of the Early Dwellings of the
English Colonists in North America, with an introduction by Samuel Eliot Morison
(Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1967), 161. (Return)
178Ibid.; Affidavit of Thomas Miller, 31 January
1679/80 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:282. (Return)
179Brockwell, Deposition. (Return)
180Biggs, Narrative. (Return)
181George Chalmers, Political Annals of the Present
United Colonies, from Their Settlement to the Peace of 1763: Compiled Chiefly from
Records, and Authorised often by the Inserting of State-Papers Book II, (London:
Unknown, 1780; reprint, New York: Burt Franklin, 1968), 80. (Return)
182John Hill Wheeler, Historical Sketches of North
Carolina from 1584 to 1851: Compiled from Original Records, Official Documents, and
Traditional Statements with Biographical Sketches of Her Distinguished Statesmen, Jurists,
Lawyers, Soldiers, Divines, Etc., Vol 1 (Philadelphia: Unknown, 1851; reprint,
Baltimore: Regional Publishing Co., 1964), index 473. (Return)
183Hawks, 2:487. (Return)
184William L. Saunders, Prefatory Notes to the Colonial
Records of North Carolina (Raleigh: Josephus Daniels, 1887), 22. (Return)
185Letter of Timothy Biggs to the Lords Proprietors,
August 15, 1679, in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:247-248. (Return)
186Haley, 442-452. (Return)
187Mattie Erma E. Parker, "Timothy Biggs," in Dictionary
of North Carolina Biography, vol. 1, ed. William S. Powell (Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 154. (Return)
188Culpeper's declaration against Timothy Biggs, 25
February 1678/79 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:242; Affidavit of John Taylor, 31
January 1679/80 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:277. (Return)
189Parker, "Timothy Biggs,", 154.
(Return)
190"Instructions to John Hearvey Esqre
Precident and the Councell of the Conty of Albemarle in the Province of Carolina," 5
Feb 1678/79 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:235-239. (Return)
191Robert Holden letter to Commissioners of Customs, 10
June 1679 in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:245. (Return)
192Statement by George Durant, November 1679, in Saunders,
Colonial Records, 1:316. (Return)
193Haley, 602. (Return)
194Privy Council orders of 19 December 1679, 4 February
1679/80, and 11 February 1679/80 in W. L. Grant and James Munro, eds. Acts of the Privy
Council of England, Colonial Series, Vol I. (London: His Majesty's Stationary Office,
1908; reprint, Newdeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint Ltd., 1966), 875, 881, 883; "At
the Committee of Trade & Plantations at the Council Chamber at Whitehall Saturday the
8th of Febry 1679/80" in Saunders, Colonial Records,
1:285. (Return)
195Haley, 510; Hill, 229. (Return)
196"Answer of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina Read
the 20 Nov. 1680" in Saunders, Colonial Records, 1:326. (Return)
197Record of court case of Anthony Brockhos, New York City
Merchant, vs. Patrick Henley and his wife Sarah, executrix of the last will and testament
of John Culpeper, 30 January 1695/96 in Parker, Higher-Court Records, 244; Receipt
of goods by Sarah Culpeper in behalf of her husband John Culpeper, 11 June 1691 in Parker,
Higher-Court Records, 245. (Return)
198Privy Council order of 7 April 1680, in Grant, 887;
"At the Committee of Trade & Plantations at the Council Chamber at Whitehall
Saturday the 8th of Febry 1679/80" in Saunders, Colonial
Records, 1: 285. (Return)
Copyright 1990. William S. Smith, Jr., All rights
reserved.